The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party, 1916–1923

Michael Laffan's The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Féin Party, 1916-1923 PDF

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Its rapid collapse should not distract from its achievements - in particular its role in 'democratising' the Irish revolution.

Its successors have dominated the political life of independent Ireland. The book studies in detail the party's membership and ideology, and also its often tense relationship with the Irish Republican Army. A final chapter examines the fluctuating careers of the later Sinn Fein parties throughout the rest of the twentieth century. Toon meer Toon minder. Recensie s 'Laffan's history It is elegantly written and clearly constructed No student or enthusiast on the subject can in future ignore Laffan's work. Laffan here has established his place amongst the front ranks of Irish political historians.

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Laffan has consulted a vast range of sources, and it is difficult to see his work being replaced as the standard text on the Sinn Fein party. Laffan handles a wide variety of sources with skill and sound judgement. The Sinn Fein Party, Overige kenmerken Extra groot lettertype Nee. Reviews Schrijf een review. Uit ons lees Magazine. Als je eerste echte baan bij Obama in de Oval Office is Wanneer kun je beginnen? In winkelwagen Op verlanglijstje. Its splits during the Irish Civil War in and again at the beginning of the Troubles in had dramatic effects on politics in Ireland.

Its purpose was to lobby Dublin Corporation not to present an address to the king. The motion to present an address was duly defeated, but the National Council remained in existence as a pressure group with the aim of increasing nationalist representation on local councils. In Griffith elaborated his policy in a series of articles in the United Irishman , which outlined how the policy of withdrawing from the imperial parliament and passive resistance had been successfully followed in Hungary , leading to the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of and the creation of a dual monarchy , and proposed that Irish MPs should follow the same course.

These were published later that year in a booklet entitled The Resurrection of Hungary. The first annual convention of the National Council on 28 November was notable for two things: By there was pressure on the three organisations to unite, especially from the US, where John Devoy offered funding, but only to a unified party.

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At the Ard Fheis party conference attendance was poor and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive. De Valera replaced Griffith as president. The party nearly split between its monarchist and republican wings at its Ard Fheis conference until a compromise motion was passed, which read:. Having achieved that status the Irish people may by referendum freely choose their own form of Government.

This kept the party's options open on the question of the constitutional form of an independent Ireland, although in practice it became increasingly republican in nature. During its candidates won four by-elections: Cosgrave in Kilkenny City. Despite being the largest party in Ireland for forty years, the Irish Parliamentary Party IPP had not fought a general election since So, in many parts of Ireland the IPP's organisation had decayed and was no longer capable of mounting an electoral challenge.

Contemporary documents also suggest a degree of intimidation of opponents. In the nine counties of Ulster, unionists polled a majority in four. Because twenty-five seats were uncontested under dubious circumstances, it has been difficult to determine what the actual support for the party was in the country.

Lastly, emigration was difficult during the war, which meant that tens of thousands of young people were in Ireland who would not have been there under normal circumstances. Although the state was declared to be a republic, no provision was made for a head of state. Tipperary had two county councils, so there were Northern Ireland a six-county region set up under the British Government of Ireland Act opted out, as the Treaty allowed.

Ebook The Resurrection Of Ireland The Sinn Féin Party 1916 1923 1999

The reasons for the split were various, although partition was not one of them [27] [28] — the IRA did not split in the new Northern Ireland and pro- and anti-treaty republicans there looked to IRA Chief of Staff and pro-treaty Michael Collins for leadership and weapons.

Supporters of the treaty argued that it gave "freedom to achieve freedom". Within days of the election, the short and bitter Civil War erupted between the supporters of the Treaty and its opponents. Cosgrave formed a new party, Cumann na nGaedheal. The conference instructed a joint committee of representatives from the two sections to arrange a basis for co-operation.

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That day it issued a statement declaring "the division within our ranks is a division of Republicans. Shortly after Vice-President and de facto leader MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the second general election called that year , declaring "no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties". John J O'Kelly had been elected president in place of de Valera and remained in this position until when Brian O'Higgins took over the leadership. The party did not have a leader of the stature of Cosgrave or de Valera.

Numbers attending the Ard Fheis had dropped to the mids and debates were mainly dominated with issues such as whether members should accept IRA war pensions from the government. Mary MacSwiney left in when members decided to accept the pensions. Margaret Buckley was president from to The party suffered with the introduction of internment during the Emergency.

History of Sinn Féin

The "three Macs" believed that a political organisation was necessary to help rebuild the IRA. IRA members were instructed to join the organisation and a newspaper, United Irishman , was launched. The re-organisation yielded fruit during the Border Campaign which was launched on 12 December The introduction of internment and the establishment of military tribunals hindered the IRA campaign and it was called off in Tomas MacGiolla was elected president in His presidency marked a significant shift towards the left.

The Wolfe Tone Directories were set up to encourage debate about policy. In his analysis, the primary obstacle to Irish unity was the continuing division between the Protestant and Catholic working classes. This they attributed to the 'divide and rule' policies of capitalism, whose interests a divided working class served.

Military activity was seen as counterproductive since its effect was to further entrench the sectarian divisions. If the working classes could be united in class struggle to overthrow their common rulers, it was believed that a county socialist republic would be the inevitable outcome.

The party became involved in the Dublin Housing Action Committee , protests against ground-rent landlordism, and the co-operative movement. However abstentionism was also a dominant feature of debate. Matters were not helped by a report from the Garland Commission, a committee led by Sean Garland to investigate and caucus opinion about abstentionism, which favoured ending the policy.

Many were concerned about the downplaying of the role of the IRA. The split, when it finally did come, arose over the playing down of the role of the IRA and its inability to adequately defend the nationalist population in Northern Ireland in the violent beginning to the Troubles. Traditional republicans and opponents of abstentionism formed the "Provisional" Army Council in December , after the split. This motion would only have required a simple majority.

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