Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars

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However, Parliament did attempt to avert conflict by requiring all adults to sign The Protestation , an oath of allegiance to Charles. Early in the Long Parliament's proceedings the house overwhelmingly accused Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford of high treason and other crimes and misdemeanours. Henry Vane the Younger supplied evidence in relation to Strafford's claimed improper use of the army in Ireland, alleging that Strafford was encouraging the King to use his army raised in Ireland to threaten England into compliance.

This evidence was obtained from Vane's father, Henry Vane the Elder , a member of the King's Privy council, who refused to confirm it in Parliament out of loyalty to Charles. On 10 April , Pym's case collapsed, but Pym made a direct appeal to Henry Vane the Younger to produce a copy of the notes from the King's Privy council, discovered by the younger Vane and secretly turned over to Pym, to the great anguish of the Elder Vane. Pym immediately launched a Bill of Attainder , stating Strafford's guilt and demanding that the Earl be put to death. Charles, however, guaranteed Strafford that he would not sign the attainder, without which the bill could not be passed.

Yet, increased tensions and a plot in the army to support Strafford began to sway the issue. Charles, still incensed over the Commons' handling of Buckingham, refused. Strafford himself, hoping to head off the war he saw looming, wrote to the king and asked him to reconsider. This act also forbade ship money without Parliament's consent, fines in destraint of knighthood and forced loans.

Throughout May, the House of Commons launched several bills attacking bishops and episcopalianism in general, each time defeated in the Lords. It was hoped by both Charles and Parliament that the execution of Strafford and the Protestation would end the drift towards war; in fact, they encouraged it. Charles and his supporters continued to resent Parliament's demands, while Parliamentarians continued to suspect Charles of wanting to impose episcopalianism and unfettered royal rule by military force.

Within months, the Irish Catholics, fearing a resurgence of Protestant power, struck first , and all Ireland soon descended into chaos. In early January , accompanied by soldiers, Charles attempted to arrest five members of the House of Commons on a charge of treason. When the troops marched into Parliament, Charles enquired of William Lenthall , the Speaker , as to the whereabouts of the five.

Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars

Lenthall replied, "May it please your Majesty, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place but as the House is pleased to direct me, whose servant I am here. In the summer of these national troubles helped to polarise opinion, ending indecision about which side to support or what action to take.

Opposition to Charles also arose owing to many local grievances. For example, the imposition of drainage schemes in The Fens negatively affected the livelihood of thousands of people after the King awarded a number of drainage contracts.

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This sentiment brought with it people such as the Earl of Manchester and Oliver Cromwell , each a notable wartime adversary of the King. Conversely, one of the leading drainage contractors, the Earl of Lindsey , was to die fighting for the King at the Battle of Edgehill. In early January , a few days after his failure to capture five members of the House of Commons, fearing for the safety of his family and retinue, Charles left the London area for the north of the country. As the summer progressed, cities and towns declared their sympathies for one faction or the other: Throughout the summer months, tensions rose and there was brawling in a number of places, with the first death from the conflict taking place in Manchester.

At the outset of the conflict, much of the country remained neutral, though the Royal Navy and most English cities favoured Parliament, while the King found considerable support in rural communities. Historians estimate that between them, both sides had only about 15, men. Many areas attempted to remain neutral.

Some formed bands of Clubmen to protect their localities against the worst excesses of the armies of both sides, [64] but most found it impossible to withstand both the King and Parliament. On one side, the King and his supporters fought for traditional government in Church and state. On the other, most supporters of the Parliamentary cause initially took up arms to defend what they thought of as the traditional balance of government in Church and state, which the bad advice the King had received from his advisers had undermined before and during the "Eleven Years' Tyranny".

The views of the members of parliament ranged from unquestioning support of the King—at one point during the First Civil War, more members of the Commons and Lords gathered in the King's Oxford Parliament than at Westminster —through to radicals, who wanted major reforms in favour of religious independence and the redistribution of power at the national level. However, even the most radical supporters of the Parliamentarian cause still favoured the retention of Charles on the throne.

After the debacle at Hull , Charles moved on to Nottingham , where on 22 August , he raised the royal standard. Charles moved in a south-westerly direction, first to Stafford , and then on to Shrewsbury , because the support for his cause seemed particularly strong in the Severn valley area and in North Wales.

The Parliamentarians who opposed the King had not remained passive during this pre-war period. As in the case of Kingston upon Hull, they had taken measures to secure strategic towns and cities by appointing to office men sympathetic to their cause, and on 9 June they had voted to raise an army of 10, volunteers and appointed Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex commander three days later.

Two weeks after the King had raised his standard at Nottingham, Essex led his army north towards Northampton , [72] picking up support along the way including a detachment of Cambridgeshire cavalry raised and commanded by Oliver Cromwell. On 14 September he moved his army to Coventry and then to the north of the Cotswolds , [73] a strategy which placed his army between the Royalists and London. With the size of both armies now in the tens of thousands, and only Worcestershire between them, it was inevitable that cavalry reconnaissance units would sooner or later meet.

This happened in the first major skirmish of the Civil War, when a cavalry troop of about 1, Royalists commanded by Prince Rupert , a German nephew of the King and one of the outstanding cavalry commanders of the war, [74] defeated a Parliamentary cavalry detachment under the command of Colonel John Brown in the Battle of Powick Bridge , at a bridge across the River Teme close to Worcester.

Rupert withdrew to Shrewsbury, where a council-of-war discussed two courses of action: The Council decided to take the London route, but not to avoid a battle, for the Royalist generals wanted to fight Essex before he grew too strong, and the temper of both sides made it impossible to postpone the decision.

In the Earl of Clarendon's words: This had the desired effect, as it forced Essex to move to intercept them. The first pitched battle of the war, fought at Edgehill on 23 October , proved inconclusive, and both the Royalists and Parliamentarians claimed it as a victory. In , the Royalist forces won at Adwalton Moor , and gained control of most of Yorkshire. In the same year, Oliver Cromwell formed his troop of " Ironsides ", a disciplined unit that demonstrated his military leadership ability.

With their assistance, he won a victory at the Battle of Gainsborough in July. At this stage, from 7 to 9 August , there were some popular demonstrations in London—both pro and against war. They were protesting at Westminster. A peace demonstration by London women, which turned violent, was suppressed by William Waller 's regiment of horse. Some women were beaten and even killed, and many arrested. Following these events of August, the representative of Venice in England reported to the doge that the London government took considerable measures to stifle dissent.

In general, the early part of the war went well for the Royalists. The turning point came in the late summer and early autumn of , when the Earl of Essex's army forced the king to raise the siege of Gloucester [86] and then brushed the Royalist army aside at the First Battle of Newbury 20 September , [87] in order to return triumphantly to London.

Other Parliamentarian forces won the Battle of Winceby , [88] giving them control of Lincoln. Political manoeuvring to gain an advantage in numbers led Charles to negotiate a ceasefire in Ireland, freeing up English troops to fight on the Royalist side in England, [89] while Parliament offered concessions to the Scots in return for aid and assistance. The defeat at the Battle of Lostwithiel in Cornwall, however, marked a serious reverse for Parliament in the south-west of England. In , Parliament reaffirmed its determination to fight the war to a finish.

It passed the Self-denying Ordinance , by which all members of either House of Parliament laid down their commands, and re-organized its main forces into the New Model Army , under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax , with Cromwell as his second-in-command and Lieutenant-General of Horse.

In the remains of his English realm Charles attempted to recover a stable base of support by consolidating the Midlands. He began to form an axis between Oxford and Newark on Trent in Nottinghamshire. Those towns had become fortresses and showed more reliable loyalty to him than to others.

English Civil War

He took Leicester , which lies between them, but found his resources exhausted. Having little opportunity to replenish them, in May he sought shelter with a Presbyterian Scottish army at Southwell in Nottinghamshire. Charles I took advantage of the deflection of attention away from himself to negotiate a secret treaty with the Scots, again promising church reform, on 28 December A series of Royalist uprisings throughout England and a Scottish invasion occurred in the summer of Forces loyal to Parliament [] put down most of the uprisings in England after little more than skirmishes, but uprisings in Kent, Essex and Cumberland, the rebellion in Wales, and the Scottish invasion involved the fighting of pitched battles and prolonged sieges.

In the spring of unpaid Parliamentarian troops in Wales changed sides. Colonel Thomas Horton defeated the Royalist rebels at the Battle of St Fagans 8 May [] and the rebel leaders surrendered to Cromwell on 11 July after the protracted two-month siege of Pembroke. Fairfax, after his success at Maidstone and the pacification of Kent , turned northward to reduce Essex , where, under their ardent, experienced and popular leader Sir Charles Lucas , the Royalists had taken up arms in great numbers.

Fairfax soon drove the enemy into Colchester , but his first attack on the town met with a repulse and he had to settle down to a long siege. The battle took place largely at Walton-le-Dale near Preston in Lancashire, and resulted in a victory by the troops of Cromwell over the Royalists and Scots commanded by Hamilton. Nearly all the Royalists who had fought in the First Civil War had given their parole not to bear arms against the Parliament, and many of these, like Lord Astley , refused to break their word by taking any part in the second war.

So the victors in the Second Civil War showed little mercy to those who had brought war into the land again. Charles' secret pacts and encouragement of his supporters to break their parole caused Parliament to debate whether to return the King to power at all. Those who still supported Charles' place on the throne, such as the army leader and moderate Fairfax, tried once more to negotiate with him. They allowed only 75 Members in, and then only at the Army's bidding.

At the end of the trial the 59 Commissioners judges found Charles I guilty of high treason , as a "tyrant, traitor, murderer and public enemy". Helier , he was publicly proclaimed King Charles II following the first public proclamation in Edinburgh on 5 February Ireland had known continuous war since the rebellion of , with most of the island controlled by the Irish Confederates. Cromwell's suppression of the Royalists in Ireland during still has a strong resonance for many Irish people. After the siege of Drogheda , [] the massacre of nearly 3, people—comprising around 2, Royalist soldiers and others, including civilians, prisoners, and Catholic priests Cromwell claimed all the men were carrying arms —became one of the historical memories that has driven Irish-English and Catholic-Protestant strife during the last three centuries.

The Parliamentarian conquest of Ireland ground on for another four years until , when the last Irish Confederate and Royalist troops surrendered. The execution of Charles I altered the dynamics of the Civil War in Scotland , which had raged between Royalists and Covenanters since By , the struggle had left the Royalists there in disarray and their erstwhile leader, the Marquess of Montrose , had gone into exile. However, Montrose, who had raised a mercenary force in Norway, [] had already landed and could not abandon the fight.

He did not succeed in raising many Highland clans and the Covenanters defeated his army at the Battle of Carbisdale in Ross-shire on 27 April The victors captured Montrose shortly afterwards and took him to Edinburgh. On 20 May the Scottish Parliament sentenced him to death and had him hanged the next day. In response to the threat, Cromwell left some of his lieutenants in Ireland to continue the suppression of the Irish Royalists and returned to England.

He arrived in Scotland on 22 July [] and proceeded to lay siege to Edinburgh. By the end of August, disease and a shortage of supplies had reduced his army, and he had to order a retreat towards his base at Dunbar. A Scottish army, assembled under the command of David Leslie , tried to block the retreat, but Cromwell defeated them at the Battle of Dunbar on 3 September.

Cromwell's army then took Edinburgh, and by the end of the year his army had occupied much of southern Scotland. Monck took Stirling on 14 August and Dundee on 1 September. Cromwell finally engaged and defeated the new king at Worcester on 3 September After the Royalist defeat at Worcester, Charles II escaped , via safe houses and a famous oak tree , to France, [] and Parliament was left in de facto control of England.

Resistance continued for a time in the Channel Islands , [] Ireland and Scotland, but with the pacification of England the resistance elsewhere did not threaten the military supremacy of the New Model Army and its parliamentary paymasters. During the Wars, the Parliamentarians established a number of successive committees to oversee the war-effort. The first of these, the Committee of Safety , set up in July , comprised 15 members of parliament.

During the period of the English Civil War, the role of bishops as wielders of political power and as upholders of the established church became a matter of heated political controversy. John Calvin formulated a doctrine of Presbyterianism , which held that in the New Testament the offices of presbyter and episkopos were identical; he rejected the doctrine of apostolic succession. Calvin's follower John Knox brought Presbyterianism to Scotland when the Scottish church was reformed in In practice, Presbyterianism meant that committees of lay elders had a substantial voice in church government, as opposed to merely being subjects to a ruling hierarchy.

This vision of at least partial democracy in ecclesiology paralleled the struggles between Parliament and the King.

English Civil War - Wikipedia

A body within the Puritan movement in the Church of England sought to abolish the office of bishop and remake the Church of England along Presbyterian lines. The Martin Marprelate tracts — , applying the pejorative name of prelacy to the church hierarchy, attacked the office of bishop with satire that deeply offended Elizabeth I and her Archbishop of Canterbury John Whitgift. The vestments controversy also related to this movement, seeking further reductions in church ceremony, and labelling the use of elaborate vestments as "unedifying" and even idolatrous. King James I , reacting against the perceived contumacy of his Presbyterian Scottish subjects, adopted "No Bishop, no King" as a slogan; he tied the hierarchical authority of the bishop to the absolute authority he sought as king, and viewed attacks on the authority of the bishops as attacks on his own authority.

Matters came to a head when King Charles I appointed William Laud as the Archbishop of Canterbury ; Laud aggressively attacked the Presbyterian movement and sought to impose the full Anglican liturgy. The controversy eventually led to Laud's impeachment for treason by a bill of attainder in , and subsequent execution. Charles also attempted to impose episcopacy on Scotland; the Scots' violent rejection of bishops and liturgical worship sparked the Bishops' Wars in — During the height of Puritan power in the Commonwealth and the Protectorate , episcopacy was formally abolished in the Church of England on 9 October During the period of the English Civil War, the English overseas possessions were highly involved.

Although the newer, Puritan settlements in North America, most notably Massachusetts , were dominated by Parliamentarians, the older colonies sided with the Crown. Friction between royalists and Puritans in Maryland came to a head in the Battle of the Severn. The Virginia Company's settlements, Bermuda and Virginia , as well as Antigua and Barbados were conspicuous in their loyalty to the Crown. The Act also authorised Parliamentary privateers to act against English vessels trading with the rebellious colonies:.

All Ships that Trade with the Rebels may be surprized. Goods and tackle of such ships not to be embezeled, till judgement in the Admiralty. The Parliament began assembling a fleet to invade the Royalist colonies, but many of the English islands in the Caribbean were captured by the Dutch and French in during the Second Anglo-Dutch War. Far to the North, Bermuda's regiment of Militia and its coastal batteries prepared to resist an invasion that never came.

The colony made a separate peace that respected its internal status quo. The Parliament of Bermuda avoided the Parliament of England's fate during The Protectorate , becoming one of the oldest continuous legislatures in the world. Virginia's population swelled with Cavaliers during and after the English Civil War. Figures for casualties during this period are unreliable, but some attempt has been made to provide rough estimates.

Historical records count 84, dead from the wars themselves. Counting in accidents and the two Bishops' wars, an estimate of , dead is achieved, [] out of a total population of about five million. Figures for Scotland are less reliable and should be treated with greater caution. Casualties include the deaths of prisoners-of-war in conditions that accelerated their deaths, with estimates of 10, prisoners not surviving or not returning home 8, captured during and immediately after the Battle of Worcester were deported to New England , Bermuda and the West Indies to work for landowners as indentured labourers [].

There are no figures to calculate how many died from war-related diseases, but if the same ratio of disease to battle deaths from English figures is applied to the Scottish figures, a not unreasonable estimate of 60, people is achieved, [] from a population of about one million. Figures for Ireland are described as "miracles of conjecture".

Certainly the devastation inflicted on Ireland was massive, with the best estimate provided by Sir William Petty , the father of English demography. Petty estimates that , Protestants and , Catholics were killed through plague , war and famine , giving an estimated total of , dead, [] from a pre-war population of about one and a half million. Many of those sold to landowners in New England eventually prospered, but many of those sold to landowners in the West Indies were worked to death.

These estimates indicate that England suffered a 3. Putting these numbers into the context of other catastrophes helps to understand the devastation to Ireland in particular. Ordinary people took advantage of the dislocation of civil society during the s to derive advantages for themselves.

The contemporary guild democracy movement won its greatest successes among London's transport workers, notably the Thames watermen. Some communities improved their conditions of tenure on such estates. But some gains were long-term. The democratic element introduced in the watermen's company in , for example, survived, with vicissitudes, until The wars left England, Scotland, and Ireland among the few countries in Europe without a monarch. In the wake of victory, many of the ideals and many of the idealists became sidelined. The republican government of the Commonwealth of England ruled England and later all of Scotland and Ireland from to and from to Between the two periods, and due to in-fighting among various factions in Parliament, Oliver Cromwell ruled over the Protectorate as Lord Protector effectively a military dictator until his death in Charles returned from exile on 23 May On 29 May , the populace in London acclaimed him as king.

These events became known as the Restoration. Although the monarchy was restored, it was still only with the consent of Parliament; therefore, the civil wars effectively set England and Scotland on course to adopt a parliamentary monarchy form of government. It was no coincidence that the United Kingdom was spared the wave of revolutions that occurred in Europe in the s.

Specifically, future monarchs became wary of pushing Parliament too hard, and Parliament effectively chose the line of royal succession in with the Glorious Revolution and in the Act of Settlement. After the Restoration , Parliament's factions became political parties later becoming the Tories and Whigs with competing views and varying abilities to influence the decisions of their monarchs.

In the early decades of the 20th century the Whig school was the dominant theoretical view. They explained the Civil War as resulting from a centuries-long struggle between Parliament especially the House of Commons and the Monarchy, with Parliament defending the traditional rights of Englishmen, while the Stuart monarchy continually attempted to expand its right to arbitrarily dictate law. The most important Whig historian, S.

Gardiner , [ full citation needed ] popularised the idea that the English Civil War was a "Puritan Revolution": Thus, Puritanism was the natural ally of a people preserving their traditional rights against arbitrary monarchical power. Thomas Harrison were doing, rather than with plotting to overthrow them, helps fix the reactive quality of royalist plotting and explain its limitations. The author avails himself of the essay-length biography to take us into the mind and character of a not untypical royalist exile.

A major theme that emerges from the study of exile is how particular locations for the royalists overseas became appropriate for them at particular junctures, and the essay by Ann Hughes and Julie Sanders, on 'Gender, geography and exile' pursues this strand more broadly, with particular reference to the Low Countries.

The authors stress the 'complex matrix of interactions and intersections between the epistemological categories of gender, place and exile' p. Journeys and reunions were an important part of this story as they affected women and their families, and the qualities of resistance and defiance required of them tell a story that is distinctively gendered. The busy, ever-helpful editors acknowledge that this essay is 'important and innovative', but wonder whether 'for some readers it may raise the question of as to whether gender history in this context is merely a new way of "doing" the history of the court and the Royalist elite' p.

This essay is in fact very successful and delivers on its own promises; the lack of attention generally in this volume to non-elite experiences, the essay by Bowen excepted, is a problem that has to be laid at the door of the editors themselves, not at that of the contributors. Jason McElligott's is the last of the essays to consider royalism overseas, and deals with the evidence for and against the genuineness of the Declaration from Virginia which found its way into print in London in January , a year after the regicide. The Declaration in question is worth the attention the author bestows on it, because it is a sophisticated statement of royalist resistance to the Commonwealth government.

The author judiciously weighs up the evidence for its authenticity, and concludes that it probably was genuine. That it could only find its way into print in The Man in the Moon , organ of the most scurrilous, inaccurate and dirty-minded of editors, John Crouch, shows how isolated the American royalists were in , but should make historians take this particular newspaper more seriously. The Chesapeake colonies were solidly royalist, having little in common with Puritan New England further north, and it was there the protectorate developed a destination for a labour supply unwanted at home, through the mechanism of indentured servitude.

This essay is not about the royalist experience in the Chesapeake, however, but about a message from Virginia that reached the London gutter press. Had it been about the politics of that colony, the interesting clause in the Declaration that acknowledges the existence there of a minority group, 'some few of the Independent party', might have deserved some attention. The topic of religion is handled deftly in this collection by some practised historians.

In an important and useful chapter, Kenneth Fincham and Stephen Taylor bring to bear the data compiled for their Clergy database project. In their essay, 'Episcopalian conformity and nonconformity, —60', they show among other things, that ordinations by the remains of the episcopal hierarchy continued after the civil war, and they have evidence for known ordinations between and This figure is thought to amount to no more than 16 per cent of actual ordinations. Of these, some 30 per cent of the clergy were ordained by just three bishops, and the most active bishop in this regard was the little-known Thomas Fulwar, bishop of Ardfert in Ireland, who is thought to have ordained nearly 1, The dominant feature of these ordinations was that they were not products of the culture of royalist exile, in Europe or further afield.

They took place in England. While these ordinations show the continued vitality of the English episcopalian community, the process by which the clergy reached accommodation with the Commonwealth regime was one of negotiation and a strategy of conformity. The authors go further, suggesting in the case of Robert Skinner, bishop of Oxford, whose continued involvement in ordinations seems to have been with the tacit approval of the protectorate, that he 'had made some kind of deal with the regime' p. The kind of deal the authors have in mind would have been one by which Skinner might have been allowed quietly to continue ordaining in return for a de facto acceptance of the government's authority.

The most important conclusion to emerge from this chapter is that the character of Anglicanism after owed much to the strategy of conformity adopted during the s by many clergy, whose experiences helped shape later active obedience to the monarchy even under the rebarbative regime of James II. The pragmatic vitality of survivalist clergy is a very useful corrective to narratives of 'sufferings of the clergy' and devotion to the martyr king, and a further vigorous challenge to received interpretation is found in Anthony Milton's essay on 'royalist criticism of Charles I's kingship', an idea which will seem to many readers like a contradiction in terms.

The essay is a study of Peter Heylyn's Observations , a critique of Charles's style of monarchy. The author shows how Heylyn developed the argument that the king had surrounded himself with subordinates who led him into disastrous policies; in so doing, Charles had 'vailed his crown', that is, doffed or removed it. Anthony Milton finds that few of Heylyn's contemporaries were prepared to go as far down the road of criticism of the late king as he was, but this essay is a useful corrective to the view that Eikon Basilike provided the only critique of monarchy that royalists could accept, and also challenges the view of the historian Andrew Lacey that Heylyn's purpose in writing the Observations was to defend the image of the saintly king against critics who were 'not sufficiently hagiographic' p.

The last chapter in the collection, by D'Maris Coffman on the earl of Southampton's oversight of the excise, is a study in administrative history, a sub-genre that is becoming rare. It illustrates the theme of continuity in matters of taxation between interregnum and the monarchical regime that followed it, and is a useful addition to a small stock of literature about the excise tax. The author argues completely convincingly that Southampton's management of the excise derived from his observations and interpretations of interregnum precedents, but these observations were not based on any privileged position or special insight into the workings of government in the s.

Southampton spent that decade in political purdah, and his pragmatism in the s was shared by other officials of Charles II's government who profited or drew lessons from the experiences of their s predecessors in managing the navy, the army and other aspects of government. Southampton's investigation into previous holders of excise posts was part of a wider drive towards bringing former officials to account, and cannot be seen as an initiative of his alone.

The author notes that the auditor of the excise was John Birch, without offering the reader any hint that this was the same John Birch who had fought the king during the civil war and had become a pugnacious governor of Hereford for parliament.

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This chapter, valuable as it is as a study of the excise in the early s, seems misplaced in this collection, and in fact has little to do with royalists and royalism during the interregnum. Like any collection of essays, this one provides a snapshot of scholarship on its topic at a particular moment.

If it is representative of current work in progress, there is a great deal of work being done on texts of various kinds, less on empirical research on the lives of provincial royalists during the interregnum or on plots and plotting, and less still on the lives of non-elites who might have considered themselves to be of the king's party. Even though negotiation with the Cromwellian state —which turns out to have been a permissive state — is a submerged theme in many of these chapters, the weight of that state upon ordinary people's lives during the s is not a major story in this collection, Lloyd Bowen's contribution notwithstanding.

It is remarkable that in the pages of this book there is only one reference in the endnotes to the composition papers of royalists in The National Archives SP 23 and not a single one to the Victorian calendar of it, Calendar of the Committee for Compounding with Delinquents , in the 20th century a main quarry for those investigating the lives of royalists. This book is well-produced and appropriately, if not lavishly, illustrated. Generally the text is edited to a high standard, although someone should have spotted the use of 'cuttlers' for cutlers p.

Skip to main content. Royalists and Royalism during the Interregnum. Royalists and Royalism during the Interregnum edited by: Jason McElligott, David L. Roberts History of Parliament. Roberts, review of Royalists and Royalism during the Interregnum , review no. Back to 2 Eryn M. Morgan and Ralph A.

Jenkins Cardiff, , p.

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