Integrated Rural Development Program and Its Impact on the Socio-Economic Condition of the Rural Poo

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Approaches to rural planning in the US, India, and China are based on quite differing ideologies about the role of rural areas in national development. The modern farm, which evolved in the US from , and was emulated worldwide, represents the use of high yield hybrids, fertilizers, pest controls, and extensive mechanization on a large scale to serve national and international markets.

The approach of modernizing agriculture to attain economic development of rural areas was tempered in Third World countries with a concern for attaining social justice through a redistribution of productive rural assets and thus the benefits accruing from development. The emerging task of rural planning has been defined as a set of two complementary concerns related to how people will earn a living and how they will do it so that natural, environmental resources will be conserved.

This chapter focuses on gender dimensions of inequality in agriculture and rural development. The first section examines inequality on a global scale, discussing some of the major historical, economic, and institutional dynamics instrumental in shaping contemporary inequalities. A basic definition of gender is explained, and the ways in which gender inequality occurs in terms of access to productive resources is discussed. These productive resources include land, labor, inputs, and knowledge.

The final section considers the ways in which the work of development practitioners, agronomists, and research scientists is embedded in the systems of inequality, and aspects to consider when designing and conducting agricultural research and extension if sustainable agricultural systems are the end goal.

A case study from Northern Malawi, and examples from Tanzania and elsewhere provide specific examples of gender and other inequalities, and how agricultural research can try to address these inequalities in the approach to, and methods of, research. Gert Van Hecken, in Ecosystem Services , This chapter looks at ecosystem services-thinking from the perspective of rural development and land-use dynamics in developing countries. In this context, the concept of ecosystem services seems to be prevalent as a foundation for market-based conservation and development policy tools such as Payment for Ecosystem Services PES.

We assess a PES scheme in Nicaragua and show the importance of the broader context and the cognitive-motivational frameworks that influence land-use management, which go beyond the mere individual and economic rationale underlying mainstream PES. We link our findings to recent evidence that calls for a more integrated institutional approach to PES, emphasizing the need to take into account the complexity of rules and motivations present in the socio-ecological system with which such interventions inevitably interact.

Gupta, in Reference Module in Food Science , Hunger and under-nutrition are linked to poverty and lack of rural development.

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We use cookies to help provide and enhance our service and tailor content and ads. By continuing you agree to the use of cookies. Rural development Related terms: Rural Development Strategies A. It is therefore critical, and there is great value to be gained, by coordinating rural development initiatives that contribute to sustainable livelihoods through efforts at the global, regional, national and local levels, as appropriate.

Strategies to deal with rural development should take into consideration the remoteness and potentials in rural areas and provide targeted differentiated approaches. A healthy and dynamic agricultural sector is an important foundation of rural development, generating strong linkages to other economic sectors. Rural livelihoods are enhanced through effective participation of rural people and rural communities in the management of their own social, economic and environmental objectives by empowering people in rural areas, particularly women and youth, including through organizations such as local cooperatives and by applying the bottom-up approach.

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Close economic integration of rural areas with neighbouring urban areas and the creation of rural off-farm employment can narrow rural-urban disparities, expand opportunities and encourage the retention of skilled people, including youth, in rural areas. There is considerable potential for rural job creation not only in farming, agro processing and rural industry but also in building rural infrastructure, in the sustainable management of natural resources, waste and residues. The State Planning Board of Kerala found that nearly 70 per cent of the beneficiaries received additional income ranging from Rs.

Evaluation by the National Institute of Urban Affair in the Alleppey district of Kerala indicated that 19 per cent of the beneficiaries were not eligible for assistance under IRDP guidelines.

In Madhya Pradesh 10 per cent of the assisted families were surveyed. In 36 out of 45 districts in Madhya Pradesh about 80 per cent of beneficiaries reported increase in their annual income and 0. According to this study there was only a very marginal dent on the incidence of unemployment among the members of families of beneficiaries. It further found that 53 per cent of the beneficiaries had pre-assistance income of more than Rs. Of the 43 per cent beneficiaries having income less than Rs.

A more extensive evaluation was carried out in Tamil Nadu. The position was summed up by the Mid-Term Appraisal. The percentage of such beneficiaries varies from State to State and is sometimes as high as 30 per cent. This has resulted because of the relatively better viability of small and marginal farmers from the credit angle and the preference of block officials and credit agencies for extending assistance to them.

While marginal farmers below the poverty line will rank with the poorest of the poor, it should be made clear that small farmers should not be selected as beneficiaries at the expense of the poorest group below poverty line. The core of the IRDP philosophy is the endowment of income generating asset to the assetless. Though concurrently another major asset transfer programme is on through land reforms, no operational linkage has been established between the two. One of the reasons why the poor cannot get the optimal benefit both from the direct investment on them and the indirect investment of improvement of infrastructural facilities is the lack of absorptive and retentive power arising out of landlessness.

Creation of non-land asset for the landless persons would hardly benefit them as they would find it difficult to retain and use the non-land asset without a supportive land base. Any sign of the economic betterment of the former which would reduce his dependency on the latter would be frowned upon and prevented unless a significant share of the incremental benefit is passed on to the landowner.

In such an event, the poor beneficiary might be used as the front man of the landowner and would act as convenient conduit of back flow of benefit to the ineligible category. The massive programme of giving housesites to the homeless and assistance for construction of improved dwellings alongwith the distribution of surplus land obtained through the imposition of ceiling have to be properly dovetailed into the IRDP.

Similarly, security of tenancy of the vast number of insecure and informal share croppers and tenants also becomes essential to make any dent on their economic status. A person who is constantly threatened with eviction from land which provides him with slender livelihood cannot absorb or retain any investment without the security of tenancy.

Though land reform continues to be an activity in the Sixth Plan and though its importance has been reemphasised by putting it under the revised Point Programme, it has lost its elan. The whole programme has bogged down into the quagmire of writ petitions, civil suits, and litigation of all sorts.

It has given a grand alibi to non doers who have now an easy explanation of not doing what they are supposed to do. A few figures may be interesting. After the second phase of ceiling legislations on the basis of National Guidelines of , the State Governments estimated that So far the area declared surplus is Thus, there are considerable gaps between area estimated surplus, area actually declared as surplus, the area taken possession of, and the area actually distributed.

It is estimated that approximately 5. The figure comes to Any survey of land-holding based on canvassing of a questionnaire can never elicit even near accurate data.

There would be an inherent tendency to under-report the actual land holdings. Further, benami holdings would never got reported excepting in the names of nominal holders. Therefore, the possibility that the actual figure of undetected surplus land could be considerably higher, cannot be ruled out. Under the circumstances, the glib talk that land reform is an overkilled subject and nothing can or need be done about it, is not factually tenable. Unless redistributive land reform is brought in as an integral component of the Integrated Rural Development Programme, it will not be possible to make any serious dent in the poverty situation.

With all the legal impediments and intervention of the Courts of Law, something can still be achieved if participatory method could be adopted in the implementation of land reforms. Lot of arguments can be advanced against this approach that enough land is not available, that threat of ceiling enforcement may affect the growth of production and that people may not be there where land is available and vice versa.

But these are all excuses of not touching the landed power group in the rural areas.

What is being asked for is a minimal essential land base for non-land based activities. If, in addition to this, some land could be given to ensure a minimum guarantee of food security for at least a part of the year, it would go a long way in reducing the dependency psyche and its attendant debilitating influences. Hence IRDP and land reform should not be treated as two programmes operating in mutual exclusion but as organically linked complementary moves for effecting enduring resource transfer to the poverty groups.

What the IRD Programme in its present form is trying to do is to make the dependent households economically free agents. But to many, the illusory security of dependent relations is being replaced by the inherent insecurity of impersonal and ruthless market forces. Alone, such a beneficiary is likely to lose both ways as a seller of his product and as a buyer of inputs. Market forces would toss him about since he would not be in a position to bargain individually. On a miniscule scale many of the IRDP schemes would not even be viable.

The market would dominate and defraud such isolated individual and soon he will go under. Access of the poor to the various infrastructural facilities are limited. The existing infrastructure is geared to cater to the needs of those who are economically and politically dominant and powerful. Hence, collectivity in economic action is almost becoming a pre-requisite for securing enduring economic benefit to these groups.

Further, left to the isolated individuals, the capital stock that will be generated would be so minute and fragile and the net incremental income so meagre that the benefit of such asset endownment may not continue for long. A conscious policy has to be adopted for the development and promotion of group activity among the IRDP beneficiaries. Family approach in a way ignored the economic potential of women workforce. There is some validity in this criticism. Participation of women in the programme has been very low. Women beneficiaries constitute only 7 per cent of the total number so far assisted under IRDP.

One of the reasons might be that stereotyped schemes which are taken up are not suitable for women excepting the traditional tailoring, sewing, and knitting. Secondly, it is reported that banks are more averse to lending to women than to men. Thirdly, the mechanical manner in which the programme is pushed through allows one shot of endowment of capital asset leaving the family to fend for itself.

Hence, diversification of income generating assets suitable to both men and women in the family can hardly be done. And, lastly, the traditional attitude which often frowns upon the women having semi-autonomous economic status in the family might largely be responsible for generally ignoring women in the entire process of development. What is required is a conscious policy to be followed to involve women in greater numbers. Schemes have to be flexible and innovative enough to enable women to participate in them after fulfilling their traditional family roles.

Where women are independent bread-winners the problem becomes more acute. Social disabilities reinforce economic instability, making the situation more piquant. The Programme has started on a pilot basis in 50 districts. It is a mixed package of economic activity with a social welfare component.

The programme has yet to strike roots. It is too early to judge its impact on the women in poor households.

One of the components of the IRDP is skill formation and skill upgradation. It was envisaged that since one-third of the beneficiaries of IRDP should go in for industry, services, and business ISB sector , it will be necessary to develop skills in respect of which there will be demand in the locality or neighbourhood which could be met from such training programme. The basic idea was to give such skill which would enable the trainees to set up independent units with the help of bank and subsidy from the IRDP. The Programme was to train roughly 40 youths per Block per year.

They are to be given stipends during the period of training. The total turn-over per year would be about 2 lakhs. Between and the target fixed was , The number of persons trained was , Thus, so far as the training quota is concerned, the target has almost been fulfilled. But what is worrying is that only The rest are in search of wage employment; some have got and some are still unemployed.

Some follow-up may have to be done. Basically, this is an attempt for manpower planning alongwith rural development. But, by and large, training has gone into a few selected items; for women, mostly tailoring and knitting, and for men, some very common items for which there are facilities in the district. Hardly, any attempt was made to correlate the market demand for the skill with the training programme. One important information gap relates to the type of training given to these men and women.

As a result, there is quite a bit of mis-match between the demand and supply of skills in the specific localities. Obviously, a proper survey of needs for skill and trades in the local area could not be done as the scheme was introduced in a haste. Since the programme envisages giving stipends for 3 to 9 months depending on the trade, it has become very popular among the unemployed rural youth. It gives them a temporary breather from unemployment.

Training is often inadequate, with hardly any follow up action thereafter. The expenditure on stipend, honoraria, etc. It is time that the skill requirements in the districts are identified and a demand profile of skills for small, cottage, and tiny industries prepared so that the skills developed can be utilised in wage employment, and the private employers can get trained employees to carry on their industry or trade. This mismatch requires to be cured. The issue of linkage extends much beyond the IRDP.

It would relate to other institutions implementing similar schemes such as Khadi and Village Industries Commission and other administrative organisations engaged in similar activities such as District Industries Centres, Employment Exchanges, newly proposed District Manpower Planning and Employment Generation Council, Industrial Training Institutes, Polytechnics, etc. It appears important now to review the programme to bring about maximum coordination and cost effectiveness.

Evaluation studies made so far reveal that considerable improvement is required in the methodology of selection of trades. In some areas, as mentioned earlier, there has been over-emphasis of activities like tailoring, sewing, etc.

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Perhaps a growth centre approach may be usefully operated upon both for selection of beneficiaries and development of ventures relating to processing units. These could include activities like animal feed production, manufacture of improved implements, manufacture of common consumer goods, creation of retail marketing facilities through provision of shops to be constructed by local bodies, etc. It is important to realise that, mere imparting of training without forward and backward linkages and without provision of follow-up service to the trainees is not enough.

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