König und Kärrner (German Edition)

Hotel Konig Von Ungarn Reviews, Vienna

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Hotel Konig Von Ungarn, Vienna

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Please change your dates , or view all Vienna hotels with availability. There are newer reviews for Hotel Konig Von Ungarn. Show reviews that mention. All reviews traditional room goulash stephen's cathedral perfect location oldest hotel charming hotel traditional hotel loved this hotel old world quiet street sitting area small hotel housekeeping staff four nights major sites family room the heart of the city. Reviewed August 1, Excellent hotel in best location. Reviewed July 26, Great hotel, great location.

Reviewed July 19, Complaints are hard to find. Reviewed July 16, Fabulous Hotel. Reviewed July 15, Great location, charming room, good service. Previous Next 1 … 64 65 66 67 68 … Our hotel is in the heart of Vienna just behind St. More close to the Vienna State Opera and many other sights. Apart from the comfort of the generously appointed rooms, the glass-covered inner courtyard is an ideal place to relax and enjoy in a traditional atmosphere. Hotel class Star ratings indicate the general level of features and amenities to expect.

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The focus of parental behavior and socialization goals lies on dyadic interactions and individual development, such as making choices independently [ 25 , 26 ]. The lifeworld of children in Japan looks very similar in terms of the ecology urbanization, education, wealth, modernity , however, the social structure is often referred to as interdependent. This is, personal relationships and socialization goals are characterized by stable, often life-long social bonds between family members and friends, which come with specific role obligations and entitlements [ 27 ], manifesting in an interdependent self-concept [ 23 , 24 ].

Regarding the environment, Japanese urban contexts are marked by higher complexity [ 28 ] e. The lifeworld of children from the Nso culture in rural Cameroon differs from those of Western and Eastern urban contexts in a number of ways. Children grow up in large, extended family settings in subsistence-based villages, dominated by a relational cultural model [ 23 ]. Most parents are farmers and engage their children in household tasks and fieldwork from early on [ 26 , 29 ].

From age 4, most children attend preschool in the mornings, while their parents work on the fields outside the village. Primary socialization goals are obedience and taking over responsibilities associated with social roles in hierarchical social relationships. A large body of research on the cultural differences in human basic cognitive functions focusses on the early school years and the years thereafter.

In the present study, we aimed to understand cultural differences in visual attention with no or only minimal schooling experiences i. First, children saw two action sequences simultaneously manual production of a toy , their gaze was recorded, and they could reproduce both action sequences afterwards. Second, children saw two actors playing a rule-based game that included sorting rules objects to locations and hand activities, before they played the game with the experimenter to assess their learning performance.

However, overall, age did not correlate with the 14 dependent measures reported throughout the analyses in any of the three cultures i. Thus, age was not entered as a covariate in the subsequent analyses. Note that not all children completed the full set of tasks and that, for each task, analyses are based on the complete subsets from each culture find details about the procedure, analyses, and exclusion criteria in the Materials and Methods section below.

All data reported in the manuscript are available in the Supporting Information S1 File. In Germany, the majority of mothers and fathers worked in the professional jobs The table presents means with standard deviations in parentheses. We tested for potential correlations between three socio-demographic variables, which we assessed from all children number of siblings, people in the household, years of maternal education, see Table 1.

The correlation of these three measures with all 14 dependent measures from the three different tasks in 3 cultures revealed that only 8 out of correlations i. Thus, these variables were not included as covariates in the subsequent analyses. This is, since the potential covariates age of the mother, number of siblings, people in the household, years of maternal education were not independent of the group variable culture independent variable , and there was no major influence of these potential covariates on the dependent variables, the preconditions for an analysis of covariance ANCOVA were not met [ 30 ], p.

A The four optical illusions. The red element had to be adjusted at the side indicated by the black arrow. B Group comparisons indicate the results of t-tests, following significant main effects. In a first step, the illusion scores were entered into a repeated-measures ANOVA with task 4 tasks as within factor and culture 3 contexts as between factor.

Mean deception values, separated by task were: We further assessed the accuracy of the adjustments of the red shapes in control trials, without context. In a second step, we explored the correlations between the scores of the different illusions, to see if they would assess the same perceptual phenomenon. This revealed that the scores from both versions of the Ebbinghaus illusion were correlated, consistently in all three cultures urban Germany: All other correlations between the optical illusions were low urban Germany: Another task to assess context-sensitivity in terms of explicit attention to focal and background elements and their features are picture description tasks [ 11 — 13 ].

Here, children described pictures with a focal object animals and means of transport , in front of a simple background e. A Children described pictures with a focal object to the experimenter. Correlations between number of references i. Therefore, we also looked at the object score for the first reference made by the participants, i. Children saw real pictures which displayed objects in front of a simple background and abstract non-semantic pictures with artificial objects [ 31 ] on abstract backgrounds [ 32 ], see Fig 3A.

These where included because they were unfamiliar to children from all contexts. A Children saw natural pictures with a clear object and background, as well as abstract objects background combinations. In a first step, we entered the proportion of 1 the total looking time spent exploring the object and 2 the latency of the first fixation to the object into two independent ANOVAs with the within factor picture type natural, abstract and culture as a between factor.

Given this interaction, we further explored the cultural differences in looking time in subsidiary ANOVAs, split for the picture types. For natural pictures, rural Cameroonian children looked at the objects in each picture longest object focus: Furthermore, we explored the correlations between the scores of the different measures, to see if they would assess the same perceptual phenomenon. Correlational analyses revealed that all four measures were closely related in urban Germany all six correlations: Therefore, we developed a video-based task, with two action sequences shown simultaneously, see Fig 4A and S2 File.

As a direct measure of distributed attention, we recorded the gaze behavior of the children and, as an indirect measure of distributed attention, children were given the opportunity to reproduce the two handicrafts afterwards and their performance was coded. A Children saw a video, in which 2 actions sequences were performed in parallel, and their gaze was recorded. Later on the reproduction of actions was analyzed.

Correlational analyses, to see if the different measures would assess similar attention processes, revealed close associations between the rate of attention shifts and the distribution of attention Germany: Noteworthy, this close association may be due to the close dependency of both measures, with more attention shifts allowing an more equal distribution of attention towards the two action.

Furthermore, the number of reproduced actions was closely related to the proportion of parallel actions children reproduced Germany: Again, this may be because both measures are interdependent, with more actions reproduced leading to higher probability of parallel actions to be reproduced. The rule-based game was designed to assess the competence to infer conventional rules based on attending others playing a game [ 1 , 2 ]. Children saw a video with two people playing a rule-based game, see Fig 5A , before child and experimenter played the game together.

A Children saw a video, in which 2 players played a rule-based game including 4 rules and 4 actions. Later on, their reproduction for the rules and actions was tested, when playing the game with the experimenter. Regarding the between-task correlations within each cultural context, there was no consistent correlational pattern. The aim of the present study was to investigate similarities and differences in the visual attention to scenes [ 1 , 2 ] and to the activities of others [ 3 , 4 ], in preschool children from different cultural contexts.

Towards this end, we investigated these phenomena across several tasks in three prototypical cultures urban Western, urban Eastern and a rural subsistence-based village contexts. Second, we assessed these tasks in three cultural contexts that combined the cultural contrasts of previous studies, namely Western vs. East-Asian urban middle-class and Western urban middle-class vs. Non-Western subsistence-based farming ecologies. Taken together, the findings of the present study indicate that basic cognitive functions vary highly between cultures, already in the preschool years.

Our main assumption was that Japanese urban East-Asian children would show greater levels of holistic attention, compared to German urban Western children. The results were mixed, some pointing into the expected direction and other pointing into the opposite direction Taken together, like in former studies, the results from the optical illusion task did not differ between cultures and the results from the eye-tracking task show first hints for the classical differences between urban Western and urban Eastern contexts.

Furthermore, results were contrary to the classical cultural pattern in the picture description task, pointing towards higher levels of context-sensitive attention in Germany compared to Japan. Furthermore, there were no consistent correlations between tasks in the preschool age, which is also consistent with former studies, reporting correlations only for older children and adults [ 11 , 12 ].

The visual attention of children from rural Cameroon differed from both urban contexts and was characterized by a high object focus across tasks. In this sample, we found the lowest level of deception in the optical illusion task. Furthermore, Cameroonian children made the first saccade on the object most rapidly and spent more time exploring the object than both other samples.

In the picture description task, Cameroonian children fell somewhere between the other two samples. Specifically, the present findings complement recent studies conducted in another rural village context, namely in traditional Himba people [ 14 ], where context-sensitivity in the Ebbinghaus task was very low across the whole life span. Thus, cultural differences in context-sensitive attention are present already in the preschool years, when they are not yet found in the classical eastern western comparison see [ 13 , 16 ] and above.

The higher object focus in the eye-tracking paradigm is consistent with the low level of context sensitivity in the illusion tasks. One potential explanation for the low levels of context-sensitivity found in the picture description task would be that this sample of Japanese urban dwelling children were non-traditional or differed in some other way from the typical Japanese samples in other studies [ 1 , 2 ]. However, the participants came from the same population as in the study by Imada and colleagues [ 13 ], where context-sensitive attention, pooled across several tasks, including picture descriptions, emerged in the school years.

Overall, these findings suggest that visual attention towards focal or contextual elements of a scene is influenced by the cultural context. However, in the early childhood years it seems not yet to be a consistent construct that aligns visual attention across different types of tasks e. Potentially, the culture-specific context-sensitivity pattern reported in literature may override the differences identified here later in development [ 11 , 12 , 13 , 34 ], possibly via verbally guided learning processes [ 11 , 12 , 35 ], for example, as found in formal schooling.

König und Kärrner (German Edition) eBook: Rudolf Stratz: donnsboatshop.com: Kindle Store

The differences in visual attention identified here, for the preschool years, may be based on different cultural and environmental learning experiences. Specifically, in the parallel action task, children from rural Cameroon focused their attention rather on one of two activities and shifted their gaze between scenes at a lower rate than children from both urban contexts. Furthermore, their learning performance was at an overall lower rate.

Similarly, in the rule-based game, rural Cameroonian children performed fewer rules and actions compared to urban German and Japanese children. The comparison between urban Germany and urban Japan did not reveal many differences, but there were more frequent shifts of attention in Japan then in Germany, when observing two action sequences in parallel. Interestingly, the attention pattern towards parallel actions, namely a more unilateral attention on one of the two activities in rural Cameroonian children, resembles the more object-focused attention of Cameroonian children found in the visual attention task.

Here, this may explain higher scores of distributed attention as well as learning scores in Germany and Japan. However, within cultures, we found no consistent correlations between the tasks assessing the attention to visual scenes and the activities of others, despite moderately large sized samples. Most importantly, the task testing visual attention to scenes employed here were, thus far, mostly applied in Western and Eastern urban contexts, and the materials used to test visual attention to others activities used materials certainly more familiar to German and Japanese children.

Furthermore, the form of presentation, namely on a computer screen, was not known to Cameroonian children. We outlined the contrast of the lifeworlds of the prototypical contexts chosen here in the introduction. In this sense, we conceptualize early cultural differences in visual attention as a results of versatile learning experiences.

At least, common dichotomous perspectives, based on one or a few experimental tasks and the comparison of a two cultural contexts, do not account for the variations between and within the cultural contexts identified here. For example, regarding rural Cameroon, we chose very simple materials for the construction of the toys and very basic material and actions in the social game.

However, it may still be less common for children from Cameroon to tinker handicrafts or to learn rule-based games or, critically, to acquire novel information from a screen, instead of a live interaction. Noteworthy, although the children watched the two tasks simultaneously, they were given the construction tasks sequentially, which may be more typical in the urban contexts.

Regarding the pictorial stimuli, Cameroonian children did only recognize and label about half of the objects assessed in the picture description task and only those were taken into account in the analyses. Thus, the present findings on learning from others may demonstrate that cognitive functions are inextricably knit to everyday visual experiences and materials cf.

By assessing visual attention with multiple tasks and methods and in novel cultures, the present findings add an important piece of puzzle to the existing literature. Because all measures indicated high cross-cultural variation at an early age already, there does not seem to be much generalizability beyond the specific contexts and tasks. Thus, more generally, the field would benefit from a higher variation of cultural contexts and experimental tasks assessed in these contexts. Beyond the description of variations, it would also be highly valuable to more thoroughly assess environmental variables and cultural transmission processes e.

We selected the preschool age in the present study to avoid the influence of formal schooling. This age may yet have been too early for attention processes to develop into a coherent culture-specific pattern of attention, as indicated by the correlation of different measures of context-sensitivity found in older children [ 12 ] and adults [ 11 ]. Specifically, recent findings highlight the role of language in cultural transmission processes [ 11 , 12 , 35 ].

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To better understand the enculturation process of general attention styles, which may emerge later in life, future studies should be complemented by longitudinal or cross-sectional assessments, across a broader age-range. With regard to the very different lifeworlds of children from the present study, the tasks employed here may rather reflect the activities of urban Western and East-Asian cultures. This had very likely negative consequences for the learning performance of the rural Cameroonian children. Future research may benefit from adapting some of the experimental tasks more closely to the daily activities and the materials in this cultural context.

For example, using life interactions to demonstrate activities. For instance, performance in the optical illusion tasks may furthermore depend on inhibitory control, and both the picture description and eye-tracking tasks may depend on the familiarity with the natural, but also the abstract stimuli used.

More close to the Vienna State Opera and many other sights.

Synonyms and antonyms of Kärrner in the German dictionary of synonyms

Apart from the comfort of the generously appointed rooms, the glass-covered inner courtyard is an ideal place to relax and enjoy in a traditional atmosphere. Hotel class Star ratings indicate the general level of features and amenities to expect. They are provided to TripAdvisor by third-party partners such as Expedia and Giata. Star rating provided by Expedia. Certificate of Excellence What is Certificate of Excellence? Konig Von Ungarn Vienna. Imperial Apartments and the refreshingly demystifying Sissi Museum are must-dos at Hofburg. Spacious squares such as Am Hof and Freyung often host beautiful seasonal and antiques markets.

Nearby Hotels See all hotels in Vienna. Nearby Restaurants See all 4, restaurants in Vienna. Nearby Attractions See all 1, attractions in Vienna. See all nearby hotels See all 4, nearby restaurants See all 1, nearby attractions. See all 15 questions. I have 2 teenagers and 1 smaller child.

Response from hrs Reviewed this property. We stayed in a beautiful suite that was two stories with a king size bed and bathroom in the lower floor and two single beds on the second floor with a second private bathroom and a living area. It is one of the largest Each room is so unique. It is an amazing place to stay and your family will love it! Do you have a hotel taxi service to pick us up and return us to the airport?

Response from KoenigvonUngarnTeam Property representative. Sorry for delayed reply.

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Please contact us using our e-mail address hotel kvu. Hello -- We're looking forward to staying with you. We'd very much like a quiet room. From the fine reviews I can't think of anything else! Response from brighouse55 Reviewed this property.

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