The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Volume II of VI): 2

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Like other Enlightenment thinkers and British citizens of the age steeped in institutional anti-Catholicism , Gibbon held in contempt the Middle Ages as a priest-ridden, superstitious Dark Age. It was not until his own era, the "Age of Reason," with its emphasis on rational thought, it was believed, that human history could resume its progress. Gibbon's tone was detached, dispassionate, and yet critical. He can lapse into moralisation and aphorism: The influence of the clergy, in an age of superstition , might be usefully employed to assert the rights of mankind; but so intimate is the connection between the throne and the altar , that the banner of the church has very seldom been seen on the side of the people.

If we contrast the rapid progress of this mischievous discovery [of gunpowder ] with the slow and laborious advances of reason, science, and the arts of peace, a philosopher, according to his temper, will laugh or weep at the folly of mankind. Gibbon provides the reader with a glimpse of his thought process with extensive notes along the body of the text, a precursor to the modern use of footnotes. Gibbon's footnotes are famous for their idiosyncratic and often humorous style, and have been called "Gibbon's table talk. This technique enabled Gibbon to compare ancient Rome to his own contemporary world.

Gibbon's work advocates a rationalist and progressive view of history. Gibbon's citations provide in-depth detail regarding his use of sources for his work, which included documents dating back to ancient Rome. The detail within his asides and his care in noting the importance of each document is a precursor to modern-day historical footnoting methodology. The work is notable for its erratic but exhaustively documented notes and research. John Bury , following him years later with his own History of the Later Roman Empire , commended the depth and accuracy of Gibbon's work.

Unusually for 18th century historians, Gibbon was not content with second-hand accounts when the primary sources were accessible. Numerous tracts were published criticising his work. In response, Gibbon defended his work with the publication of, A Vindication Gibbon's comments on the Quran and Muhammad reflected his view of the secular, rather than divine, origin of the text.

He outlined in chapter 33 the widespread tale, possibly Jewish in origin, of the Seven Sleepers , [16] and remarked "This popular tale, which Mahomet might learn when he drove his camels to the fairs of Syria, is introduced, as a divine revelation, into the Quran. A special revelation dispensed him from the laws which he had imposed on his nation: Gibbon described the Jews as " a race of fanatics, whose dire and credulous superstition seemed to render them the implacable enemies not only of the Roman government, but also of humankind ".

Gibbon challenged Church history by estimating far smaller numbers of Christian martyrs than had been traditionally accepted. The Church's version of its early history had rarely been questioned before. Gibbon, however, knew that modern Church writings were secondary sources , and he shunned them in favor of primary sources. Volume I was originally published in sections, as was common for large works at the time. The first two were well received and widely praised. Gibbon thought that Christianity had hastened the Fall, but also ameliorated the results:. As the happiness of a future life is the great object of religion, we may hear without surprise or scandal that the introduction, or at least the abuse of Christianity, had some influence on the decline and fall of the Roman empire.

The clergy successfully preached the doctrines of patience and pusillanimity; the active virtues of society were discouraged; and the last remains of military spirit were buried in the cloister: Faith, zeal, curiosity, and more earthly passions of malice and ambition, kindled the flame of theological discord; the church, and even the state, were distracted by religious factions, whose conflicts were sometimes bloody and always implacable; the attention of the emperors was diverted from camps to synods; the Roman world was oppressed by a new species of tyranny; and the persecuted sects became the secret enemies of their country.

Yet party-spirit, however pernicious or absurd, is a principle of union as well as of dissension. The bishops, from eighteen hundred pulpits, inculcated the duty of passive obedience to a lawful and orthodox sovereign; their frequent assemblies and perpetual correspondence maintained the communion of distant churches; and the benevolent temper of the Gospel was strengthened, though confirmed, by the spiritual alliance of the Catholics. The sacred indolence of the monks was devoutly embraced by a servile and effeminate age; but if superstition had not afforded a decent retreat, the same vices would have tempted the unworthy Romans to desert, from baser motives, the standard of the republic.

Religious precepts are easily obeyed which indulge and sanctify the natural inclinations of their votaries; but the pure and genuine influence of Christianity may be traced in its beneficial, though imperfect, effects on the barbarian proselytes of the North. If the decline of the Roman empire was hastened by the conversion of Constantine, his victorious religion broke the violence of the fall, and mollified the ferocious temper of the conquerors chap. Voltaire was deemed to have influenced Gibbon's claim that Christianity was a contributor to the fall of the Roman Empire.

As one pro-Christian commenter put it in As Christianity advances, disasters befall the [Roman] empire—arts, science, literature, decay—barbarism and all its revolting concomitants are made to seem the consequences of its decisive triumph—and the unwary reader is conducted, with matchless dexterity, to the desired conclusion—the abominable Manicheism of Candide , and, in fact, of all the productions of Voltaire's historic school—viz. The various modes of worship which prevailed in the Roman world were all considered by the people as equally true; by the philosophers as equally false; and by the magistrate as equally useful.

He has been criticized for his portrayal of Paganism as tolerant and Christianity as intolerant. Drake challenges an understanding of religious persecution in ancient Rome , which he considers to be the "conceptual scheme" that was used by historians to deal with the topic for the last years, and whose most eminent representative is Gibbon. With such deft strokes, Gibbon enters into a conspiracy with his readers: So doing, Gibbon skirts a serious problem: Gibbon covered this embarrassing hole in his argument with an elegant demur.

Rather than deny the obvious, he adroitly masked the question by transforming his Roman magistrates into models of Enlightenment rulers—reluctant persecutors, too sophisticated to be themselves religious zealots. Others such as John Julius Norwich , despite their admiration for his furthering of historical methodology, consider Gibbon's hostile views on the Byzantine Empire flawed and blame him somewhat for the lack of interest shown in the subject throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries. Gibbon's initial plan was to write a history "of the decline and fall of the city of Rome", and only later expanded his scope to the whole Roman Empire.

Although he published other books, Gibbon devoted much of his life to this one work — His autobiography Memoirs of My Life and Writings is devoted largely to his reflections on how the book virtually became his life. He compared the publication of each succeeding volume to a newborn child. Gibbon continued to revise and change his work even after publication. It also gives you a grade low scores are good, high scores bad , based on how many of these stylistic pitfalls you avoid. Now, I am duly impressed with this software, and have even found it helpful from time to time.

But I think that all this stylistic advice can go a bit far. So, as an experiment, let us try inserting Gibbon—an acknowledged master of English prose—into the Hemingway App. A magnificent temple is a laudable monument of national taste and religion; and the enthusiast who entered the dome of St. Sophia might be tempted to suppose that it was the residence, or even the workmanship, of the Deity. Yet how dull is the artifice, how insignificant is the labor, if it be compared with the formation of the vilest insect that crawls upon the surface of the temple!

Yet it scores an 18 when copied into the Hemingway App—quite bad. Now consider my paraphrase of this sentences, according to the normal stylistic advice: A great temple may become a national monument. The dome of St. Sophia was so complicated you might even think God made it. Yet even an insect is more complicated! This restatement scores a 4 on the Hemingway App—the height of eloquence!

Let us repeat the experiment with a different passage from Gibbon: I have now deduced from Trajan to Constantine, from Constantine to Heraclius, the regular series of the Roman emperors; and faithfully exposed the prosperous and adverse fortunes of their reigns. Five centuries of the decline and fall of the empire have already elapsed; but a period of more than eight hundred years still separates me from the term of my labors, the taking of Constantinople by the Turks.

Should I persevere in the same course, should I observe the same measure, a prolix and slender thread would be spun through many a volume, nor would the patient reader find an adequate reward of instruction or amusement. This scores a 20 on the Hemingway App. Let me try to improve it: I have now described the series of Roman emperors from Trajan all the way to Heraclius. And I have described how successful their reigns were.

Five centuries of decline have gone by. The narrative will end when the Turks take Constantinople. If I keep going at the same rate as before, it will take too long. And I think that would be boring to read.

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This scored a 5! I suppose the point of this exercise is to illustrate how provincial are standards of style. It might be a safe bet to write like Hemingway; but—who knows? Jun 16, Justin Evans rated it really liked it. Ah, the paradoxes of contemporary publishing: Gibbon is generally divided into three books, with two 'volumes' per book; here we have volumes three and four. That makes perfectly good sense, on the one hand, since six books would be very expensive and two books would each be unwieldy.

However, due to that publishing decision, this book is broken backed: Volume three ends with Gibbon's 'General Observations on the Fall of the Roman Empire in the West,' volume four starts with a new preface. In volume three, Gibbon winds together the expansion of Christianity and the 'collapse' of the Western empire, with some glorious little moments, including the famous Byzantine mechanics and slaves who are all profound theologians 23 , or the advice St Jerome gave to preachers, chilling for an optimist like Gibbon, but surely music to a modernist's ears, "Lachrymae auditorum laudes tuae sint," 31; or the advice of Ambrose to Theodosius that "private contrition was not sufficient to atone for a public fault," 59, a lesson our politicians still prefer to ignore.

His depiction of the gothic kings makes it very clear that there was little difference, if any, between the rule of a 'Roman' in the West and the rule of an Alaric, Clovis, or Theodoric, which forced me, at least, to wonder what exactly was supposed to have fallen; moreover, Gibbon's evident wish to make Christianity the cause of Roman decline, like Nietzsche avant la lettre "all the manly virtues were oppressed by the servile and pusillanimous reign of the monks," he says, without ever asking why so many people wanted to become monks, comes ever more unstuck: But again, did it fall?

Gibbon seems to believe not, since "every age of the world has increased, and still increases, the real wealth, the happiness, the knowledge, and perhaps the virtue, of the human race," Though of course, that might be irony. In volume three, he's at his best when his reason and evidence breaks through his assumptions and biases, as for instance when he points out that the horrors of trial by fire, for instance, were a reasonable reaction against the willingness of people to perjure themselves: In volume four, however, the material itself takes over.

There are just too many great stories: It should be noted, though, that the chapters on Justinian's jurisprudence and the formation of Orthodoxy come as a relief--which, given how dry they are, is a good indication that Belasarius gets far too many pages. Military history is fine; minute descriptions of battles, on the other hand, are unreliable and boring.

But his account of the many councils that gave us what most of the world knows as Christianity is wonderful--full of social and political detail that's usually ignored; I had no idea there was quite so much violence around them. Unfortunately, throughout these volumes, Gibbon also insists on assuming that the Western writers were correct in their understanding of the effeminacy, corruption, servility etc etc of the Eastern Romans.

This realm was "in a state of premature and perpetual decay," , the people "equally incapable of guarding their lives and fortunes against the assault of the Barbarians, or of defending their reason from the terrors of superstition," yet, nonetheless, they managed to survive for another thousand years in the face of, among other things that he details in volume four, the Persian, Avar, and Turkish invaders. Despite his best efforts to slander them, the Byzantines have the best generals, and the most interesting women e.

And then, just when you're about to roll your eyes and reach for your facebook feed, you get things like this: And at those moments this reader thinks: In this volume we find what, I assume, most people expect out of a book called "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire": It's action-packed, although not always when or how you expect.

The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire - Wikipedia

The beginning of the volume is dominated by Gibbon's favorite, the heroic Julian the Apostate, whose pointless but exciting campaign in Persia is related with uncharacteristic detail and thrills; the In this volume we find what, I assume, most people expect out of a book called "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire": The beginning of the volume is dominated by Gibbon's favorite, the heroic Julian the Apostate, whose pointless but exciting campaign in Persia is related with uncharacteristic detail and thrills; the ending, by the mysterious and diabolical Count Ricimer, whose motives and actions in successively installing and betraying several emperors in a row are left vague and unclear.

In between, we get Theodosius, possibly the last competant emperor; Stilicho, the great general trying desperately to keep the empire together between invading Goths and political intrigues; Alaric, noble king of the Goths; Attila, brutal king of the Huns; and most fascinating to me, a succession of powerful and fascinating women, including Eudoxia, St. Pulcheria, Galla Placidia, Atheneas. At one point, the Roman Empire looks almost like a matriarchy, with Empress Placidia ruling the West, Empress Pulcheria ruling the East, and Atheneas aka Aelia Eudocia attempting to wrest power from her, while the two nominal emperors were essentially like medieval princesses being squabbled over.

All of these women had fascinating lives which deserve much more fame and attention, and I now have a great example to throw in the face of any nerd who whines there can't be a powerful woman in his fantasy world because that wouldn't be realistic. Overall in this volume I felt Gibbon did a better job of focussing, moving in for the occasional close-up, from the 70mm Panavision wide-shot that he usually uses. In addition to Julian's Persian campaign, a notable example is the long account of an embassy to the Huns, a kind of miniature spy thriller and ethnography of the Huns' camp life.

There are some fun, interesting, and scandalous anecdotes, especially it seemed to me once Procopius becomes a major source; I enjoyed the various fortunes of St. Athanasius, perhaps the only Church Father who comes through Gibbon without much abuse, though he does get some teasing, as when the chaste saint is forced to take refuge in the home of a beautiful young woman. I also like when Gibbon reveals his more tender feelings: It's also always interesting to hear his opinions usually in footnotes of celebrated figures: And for me at least, having read such praises of Ausonius in Helen Waddell, it was a surprise to find Gibbon saying "the poetical fame of Ausonius condemns the taste of his age.

This history is complicated, but not very interesting, partly I suppose because I don't know where it's heading. I'm distracted by my ignorance of this early medieval European history, wondering what relation, if any, these Goths and Franks and Saxons and so on have to the countries that existed later, and that exist today.

Guizot has disappeared from the footnotes--I guess his work was unfinished when he died--and Gibbon has developed an annoying over-reliance on the word "pusillanimous". His summing up chapter was also annoyingly Enlightenment: Obviously, considering the barbarism of the 'civilized' nations of his day, who were busily enslaving and subjugating the peoples that they weren't committing genocide on, this is a bit hard to swallow. But Gibbon always surprises: I would never have expected him to mock the "absurd language of imperious Man" as regards the "guilt and shame" of an adulterous woman, for example.

And his writing is always incredible. I'm very much looking forward to the second half of the History; the Byzantine Empire has always fascinated me. Jul 29, Gonzo rated it it was amazing. Works of undisputed genius want personal reflection more than analysis. This is especially true with a work so capacious as The Decline and Fall , even limiting oneself to the third and fourth volumes. But Decline is a work that beggars criticism on the whole. One can complain about the mawkishness of Henry V or the lameness of Merry Wives of Windsor , but a man who claims to speak in broad strokes about Shakespeare as a whole is either a genius or a critical fool.

So it is with Gibbon. Never has there been a narrator more captivating, and few intellects extend so broadly. Yet it is not infrequent that Narrator Gibbon must carry the weight of Intellectual Gibbon, whose sometimes-sloth accommodates the more florid passages of the work. Take for example the Arian heresy, the theological details of which Gibbon told us in Volume I were not worth recounting.

Perhaps the feud between Catholics and Arians can be simplified to the colors they later adopted, but while it may be fair to impute to the rabble of Constantinople only their green or blue tunics, Gibbon would be wise to give his heroes the benefit of the doubt—or more accurately, to give them the benefit of their belief. Even a man who thinks all religion is superstition to be derided must admit for some degree of cogency in the superstition. Mosaic law constitutes a difference in degree and kind from the Book of Mormon. Reject this argument if you wish; it is nonetheless an argument.

It is fine if Gibbon wants to dismiss arguments from design, but he must concede that such an argument exists. And granted such an argument exists, he must concede that a more perfect work is more suggestive of a perfect god. A Stoic may come to the conclusion that all music is frivolous bunk, and may conclude Mozart is the same as the Monkees as a moral point; but to discriminate no difference between them is to turn a moral point into a fraud.

It is fine, from a moral standpoint, to declare the equality of the Athanasian and Arian creeds; but to declare them theologically equal is to concede one cannot make assessments of theology. And yet Adams recognized that the philosophy of the Church was likely the soundest the mortal mind of men could possess. The heights of this Edifice are possible because of the firmness of her foundations, each one of which is mutually dependent on the others. Forget changing dogmas; a right order and proportion of thought is as essential to the Church as the existence of such thoughts.

Change this right ordering by even a sliver and there goes the Church. And if Jesus was not fully God, he is only a prophet, like Mohomet. These are not abstruse points of theology; their acceptance or denial dictates the Real Presence in the Eucharist. And if Christ is not present, flesh and blood, soul and divinity, in the Eucharist, there is very little reason for the Church to exist at all.

Gibbon cannot be both glib and a scholar about these points. If the people of Europe had decided in as they did in that neither the Real Presence nor Church needed to exist, the world would be much different. Thus the theological slips into the material. But overall, Gibbon is far more generous to his Lord and Creator in these volumes. Chapter XXXVII sees an addition to the Bible which tends to confound the Arians, which speaks perfectly out of the dogma out of the Church, but which admittedly did not tend from the original epistle of John the Apostle.

My New American Bible late s gives no mention of the Trinity in Heaven; with my Latin Vulgate, the modern compilers clearly referred to one of the untampered editions, for the line is not there. If Gibbon ever has occasion to lay on a solid punch, it is here.

The Papists have been misleading the flock for over a millennium! But immediately after this point, Gibbon tells us of the African Catholics who had their tongues torn out and yet, on sound testimony, retained the ability to talk.

The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Vol. II

Chapters Fifteen and Sixteen are some of the greatest works of scandal and heresy in all English literature. Why tone it down now? Still, Gibbon the man could not despise the Church more than the average tenured historian of the present day. If Gibbon is dismissive of the Christian theology, he is at least wise enough to recognize the benefits of its morality.

The sins of Sodom and Socrates are unspeakable to Gibbon, and the severity of Mosaic law is respected; his overall view of Justinian law is generally full of the rigor and mercy which any observant Christian should display. Roman law proscribed that murder found proper retribution in a capital sentence; the barbarians, bereft of the gifts of Minerva, practiced a system of revenge which could nevertheless be averted through the use of bribes, effectively placing a price on murder of three hundred units of currency. The modern travesty of the criminal justice system sees every criminal act as one that can be bargained and bribed into oblivion.

Well over ninety-five percent of federal crimes result in a plea deal—as if theft, rape, and murder were not crimes deserving condemnation but commodities wanting only accurate remuneration. Though racial disparities exist, there are far fewer blacks on death row than are represented in the general prison population. This is not owing to some spurious enlightenment of capital juries, but to the nature of black crime: Black criminals tend to murder other black criminals, and prosecutors are less willing to endure the inconvenience of a capital trial for the sake of a dead gangbanger.

When the prosecutor envisions himself primarily as a negotiator the justice system can have only passing resemblance to one which punishes evil and resembles the reward and demerits to which Divine Justice must subject us. To put reasonable prices on our sins is to make them the subject of commerce, and make the law a whore. As the above anecdote—one of dozens—proves, no one could ask for a better intellectual companion than Gibbon to accompany him on the history of modern Europe.

We meet the great Belasarius, who is both Caesar and Job. The general betters the former in his desperate courage and cuckoldry, and perhaps better the latter was well, as Job was at some point offered a reprieve from his miseries. Caesar is known to us largely because he was ignoble, because he was willing to shed civil blood in the pursuit of glory; Belasarius is transmitted not so much by his accomplishments, but through his virtues. Great men can rise only so far above the drudgery of their age. Another man of virtue, the senator Boethius, is called the Last of the Romans.

The Senate had been a moribund institution for five hundred years, yet men like Boethius kept the spirit of Roman liberty alive long after her body had died.

What is amazing about Boethius is how ready he is to resort to inwardness as refuge from the political storm. That the author of Consolatio Philosophiae could be given anything to do in Roman public life at all is shocking to the modern sensibility; no modern could write a book so profound, and certainly none could be elected to office he did.

THE WORKS OF EDWARD GIBBON

In its seamless incorporation of Platonism with Christian morality, Boethius betters Augustine. Boethius speaks to a great inner life surviving amongst the Romans. The light of his philosophy was lessened by centuries of hardship, but was rekindled in a brighter flame by the Scholastics. The Christian rulers of the Middle Ages may not have been philosopher-kings, but all Christians at least have a philosophy; and if few rose to the level of an Antonine, few sunk to that of a Nero.

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME

But if the Roman Spirit endured the emperors, endured the collapse of Rome herself, when did it pass away? When conscience and inner life were made expendable for political expediency. Of course, kings had made war on the Church and God before, but these conflicts did not deny the Church or God their own natures, their own God-ness and Church-ness, if you will. Whether or not the Church is correct about anything is immaterial. The present day backlash against St. Thomas, embodied in the scurrilous and specious Wolf Hall , rests upon the idea that imminent spiritual death is preferable to probable material loss.

Britain and America have fostered the barren institutions of materialism, and the subordination of the soul to material comfort. And admittedly, for many centuries, it delivered that comfort. But then again, Gibbon though himself above the desecrations of Luther and Calvin. The denizens of a crumbling Rome were devout men, many of them saints. We study history in order to get a grasp on the problems of our own era; by seeing how humanity has failed and succeeded in the past, we are able to better understand our present and our future. The problem of modernity is that so much of the present would be incomprehensible to our forebears, and as such is mostly incomprehensible to us.

Gibbon himself probably would not have been able to comprehend the leveling of ; perhaps only the Marquis de Sade could make that claim. A philosophy of the bedroom, in our case, is more useful than Tacitus or Plutarch. Moderns lack hope, but also the ability to have hope. How one longs for those days of decline and fall, distinct from the cruelty of our modern creations! Beginning with the reign of Gratian and ending with the reconquests of Heraclius in A. Throughout the era of House of Theodosius, the various barbarian tribes made inroads into the Western Empire which included two sacks of Rome itself by the Visigoths and Vandals, as the long ineffectual reign of Honorius and his successors allowed the Empire to slip out of their fingers.

In the vacuum arose the genesis of future European states such as England, France, and Spain while Italy declined in population and political cohesion as the Pope began to fill not only a religious but political role. The Eastern Emperors in Constantinople, unlike their family and colleagues in the West, were able to keep their domain intact through military force or bribes to turn away. The bureaucratic framework established by Constantine and reformed by Theodosius was used to keep the Eastern Empire thriving against barbarian incursion and Persian invasions while creating a link to the Roman past even as the eternal city fell from its greatness.

Yet as the Eastern Emperors kept alive the Roman imperial tradition while continually orienting it more towards Greek cultural heritage, the internal conflicts of Christianity became a hindrance to social and imperial stability leading to rebellions of either a local or statewide nature or allowing foreign powers to invade. Yet throughout, Gibbon weaves not only the history of Rome but also the events of nomadic peoples as far away at China, the theological controversies within Christianity, and the numerous other treads to create a daunting, yet compete look of how Rome fell but yet continued.

Muchas respuestas al respecto, una para considerar a todo lo que se ha dicho: Muchos libros y obras han bebido en su fuente inspiradora y cuando se ha tenido la oportunidad de profundizar en varias de ellas, cobran mayor dinamismo y perspectiva los personajes de todas estas obras.

El ejercicio del poder y el gobierno no siempre van de la mano. El devenir de Roma, como ejemplo de la aventura humana, es ejemplarizante para todos los tiempos. Having now completed Volume 2 of my 6 Volume sojourn through Gibbon's masterpiece, I still marvel at the beauty and precision of his prose, and the depth of his erudition and research.

And, oh yes, he is quite opinionated and, on occasion, witty and dryly humorous. This volume covered much of the 4th Century, approximately the period - AD. Though he dealt with a relatively short span of years, Gibbon went into considerable depths in a number of areas, some of which were: The conduct of Having now completed Volume 2 of my 6 Volume sojourn through Gibbon's masterpiece, I still marvel at the beauty and precision of his prose, and the depth of his erudition and research. The conduct of the Roman government toward Christians, over the 1st 3 centuries.

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The life and rule of Constantine, his building of Constantinople, his conversion to Christianity and the legal establishment of the Christian church. A surprising amount of detail about early Church government, synods, and major doctrinal heresies such as Donatism and Arianism, and the impact of Athanasius 5. A very actually, unusually detailed account of the rule of Julian the Apostate, followed by his successors Jovian, Valentinian and Valens.

This vast work teaches much -- not only about Roman history, but also Church history and doctrine, geography, cultures, the increasing impact of Barbarian invasions, the beauty of the English language, the weaknesses and vices of humanity, and much, much more. I'm increasingly understanding how this work earned it's prized place in history.

And that history, as Gibbon famously states, is "indeed, little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind. May 07, Jordi Polo Carres rated it it was amazing Shelves: El mismo estilo que el volumen I, un lenguaje magnifico que te mantiene pasando hojas y hojas. Los capitulos que me parecieron pesados son los relacionados con la cristiandad. Creo que lo podria haber resumido bastante. Y en cierta forma la guerra en Italia de Belisarious.

Muy interesante pero creo que se alargo demasiado. Por lo demas, maravilloso. En este libro finalmente Roma cae, pero ah! Es solo el imperio del Oeste, aun queda el imperio del Este! El ultimo capitulo que realmente deberia ser el El mismo estilo que el volumen I, un lenguaje magnifico que te mantiene pasando hojas y hojas.

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